The crisis over Iranian flights to Sana’a International Airport marked the turning point that shifted escalation in Yemen from limited political and military tensions to an open confrontation spanning Saudi territory, the Red Sea, and the country’s internal front lines. Since August 6, the escalation has reached its peak, with missile and drone attacks targeting military camps, cities, ports, ships, and camps for internally displaced people.
Since the arrival of the first Iranian Mahan Air flight in Sana’a in early July, the confrontation has gradually intensified through an interconnected chain of events. It began with a dispute over the nature of the flights and the people they were transporting, followed by the targeting of the runway at Sana’a International Airport and the Houthis’ announcement that the de-escalation phase had ended. The confrontation then expanded to attacks on Saudi Arabia and the imposition of a ban on Saudi-linked vessels, before spreading to Marib, Hadramout, Shabwa, Taiz, Al-Dhale, Hodeidah, and Bab al-Mandab.
Although the current round of fighting has not yet developed into a large-scale ground operation aimed at altering the map of territorial control, the intensive use of ballistic missiles and drones, the widening range of targets, and attacks on civilian and economic infrastructure make it the most dangerous military escalation Yemen has witnessed since the UN-brokered truce expired in October 2022.
The Iranian Flights Crisis
The crisis began on July 3, when a Mahan Air aircraft arrived at Sana’a International Airport on the first direct and publicly announced flight from Tehran to Houthi-controlled Sana’a in nearly a decade. The flight transported Houthis to Iran to offer condolences over Khamenei, who was killed earlier this year.
The internationally recognized government accused the Houthis of using the flight to transport military and security personnel, as well as Iranian experts in missiles and drones. It said operating the flight without the approval of the internationally recognized government constituted a violation of Yemeni sovereignty and UN Security Council resolutions.
The Houthis, however, said the aircraft had transported around 200 patients, wounded people, and stranded Yemenis, and that it had arrived to carry a Houthi delegation to Tehran.
The crisis took a military turn on July 13, when Yemen’s Ministry of Defense announced that the runway at Sana’a International Airport had been targeted to prevent a second Iranian flight from landing. The aircraft was forced to divert to Hodeidah Airport. The Houthis said the plane was carrying around 200 patients, wounded people, and stranded Yemenis, and had brought back one of their delegations from Tehran.
Following the incident, the Houthis announced “the end of the de-escalation phase” and said they had targeted Saudi Arabia’s Abha Airport with ballistic missiles and drones, marking the beginning of a new phase of direct confrontation with Saudi Arabia.
On July 18, a third Mahan Air flight was prevented from continuing to Yemen and was forced to turn back while in Omani airspace, amid Houthi threats to retaliate against measures taken by the government and the coalition.
The dispute over the flights quickly appeared to move beyond its aviation dimension, developing into a confrontation over Yemeni sovereignty and Iran’s role in Houthi-controlled areas, with accusations exchanged over the transport of experts and weapons and the use of Yemeni airports for military purposes.
From Airports to the Red Sea
Days after the dispute over the flights, the Houthis moved the confrontation to the Red Sea. On July 20, the group announced a maritime ban on Saudi-linked vessels under the slogan “blockade for blockade,” saying it would prevent those ships from passing through the Red Sea and Bab al-Mandab.
The announcement coincided with a decision by the Presidential Leadership Council to resume Yemeni oil exports “by all means,” after exports had been suspended since Houthi attacks on oil export terminals in Hadramout and Shabwa in late 2022.
The government warned that the maritime ban posed a threat to international navigation and was an attempt to impose an economic blockade on areas under its control, while Saudi Arabia pledged to protect its vessels, interests, and freedom of navigation in the Red Sea.
On July 22 and 23, the Houthis announced attacks on two Saudi oil tankers in the Red Sea using ballistic missiles and drones. Saudi Arabia later confirmed that two ships had come under attacks that caused damage and sparked a fire aboard one of them, with no casualties reported.
On July 25, the Saudi-led coalition responded with strikes it said targeted Houthi military sites in Hodeidah and on Kamaran Island, describing the attacks as a “proportionate military response” to the targeting of Saudi territory and vessels.
On the same day, the Houthis announced attacks on Saudi Aramco facilities in Jazan and Yanbu using dozens of missiles and drones. Days later, reports said Aramco had shut down its Jazan refinery, which has a capacity of around 400,000 barrels per day, after associated facilities sustained damage.
These developments placed international shipping at the center of the confrontation and transformed Bab al-Mandab from a maritime passage affected by the war into an active front where missiles, drones, and explosive-laden boats were being deployed.
August 6: The Internal Confrontation Erupts
The escalation entered a new phase at dawn on August 6, when the Houthis launched a large barrage of ballistic missiles and drones at camps and positions belonging to government forces in Marib and Hadramout.
The Houthi attacks targeted camps in Al-Thaniyah and Al-Ruwaik in Marib governorate, along with positions in Al-Abr in Hadramout governorate that housed units from the “Emergency Forces,” “Nation Shield Forces,” and the First Military Region.
The strikes occurred while soldiers were assembled in formations and conducting morning drills, leaving dozens dead and wounded. Reported casualty figures varied among government, local, and international sources: a Defense Ministry official confirmed that 17 soldiers had been killed, while other reports cited higher figures.
The Houthis said the attacks were “preemptive” and targeted military forces being assembled to launch an offensive against areas under their control. The government, however, described the strikes as an attempt to ignite a full-scale war and undermine peace efforts. The attacks inside Yemen coincided with a Houthi attack on Saudi Arabia’s Najran region, which the coalition said wounded 11 civilians.
Targeting Marib and Displacement Camps
The following day, August 7, the Houthis widened the scope of their attacks to include Marib city and displacement camps. Houthi missiles and drones targeted the Al-Meel and Jaw Al-Naseem camps, as well as residential areas in the city, killing two civilians and wounding 14 others, including six members of a single displaced family.
The targeting of residential areas and camps marked a significant shift from attacks on military camps and positions to civilian objects in a governorate that hosts more than two million internally displaced people, according to local authority estimates.
Government forces responded on August 8 by striking Houthi command centers, fortifications, and positions in southern Hodeidah governorate, before expanding their operations with drones, artillery, and missiles across several battlefronts.
Mocha at the Center of the Confrontation
The city of Mocha and its port on Yemen’s western coast became the most prominent battlegrounds in the current military escalation because of their proximity to the Bab al-Mandab Strait and the presence in the area of the government-aligned “National Resistance Forces,” naval forces, and coast guard units.
On August 9, the Houthis launched a large-scale attack using ballistic missiles and drones against the city, the port, the power station, military positions, and residential neighborhoods.
The attacks killed seven people, including four military personnel and three civilians, and wounded around 30 others, according to official and local figures. Government forces said they intercepted 11 drones during the attack.
The attacks continued over the following days, striking Mocha Port and its facilities, neighborhoods in the city, and surrounding areas. The Houthis also used explosive-laden boats to target naval and coastal positions.
On August 11, the Yemeni merchant vessel “Tihama” came under repeated attack while sailing through Bab al-Mandab. The government said the vessel was carrying food supplies and that the attack continued as rescuers attempted to save its crew. Four sailors and two soldiers involved in the rescue operation were killed, while two foreign sailors went missing. The Houthis claimed that the ship was carrying military equipment.
On August 12 and 14, Mocha Port came under renewed missile attacks that damaged sections of the quay, set fishing boats ablaze, and halted loading and unloading operations.
By August 15, the port administration announced the complete suspension of maritime and commercial activity. It said the attacks had killed seven facility security personnel and port employees and caused an estimated $16 million in direct losses.
The attacks also damaged ships, boats, and operational equipment, deprived more than 1,300 employees and workers of their jobs and sources of income, and halted fishing activity across wide areas around Mocha.
Sadeq Dowaid, spokesperson for the “National Resistance Forces,” said the Houthis had fired dozens of ballistic missiles and drones at Mocha over several days, in addition to deploying explosive-laden boats.
The casualty figures announced by government forces varied from one statement to another, depending on the period covered by each statement.
On August 17, the civilian vessel “Amir Khan” sustained extensive damage after it was targeted with four ballistic missiles while docked at Al-Ardi harbor in the Bab al-Mandab area.
According to local sources, the vessel carried no cargo and had been undergoing maintenance since December 2025. Its crew had left around a week before the attack, preventing any casualties. The bombardment caused extensive damage to the vessel and the pier and disabled a large part of the facility.
Expanding Front Lines
The escalation was not limited to Marib and the western coast. It spread to Shabwa, Taiz, Al-Dhale, Hodeidah, and Al-Jawf. Soldiers from the Shabwa Defense Forces were killed and others wounded in drone attacks on the Harib-Ain and Bayhan fronts, while government forces responded by shelling Houthi positions with artillery and drones.
In Taiz, the Al-Barh, Al-Kadhah, Al-Anin, Al-Ahkum, Hayfan, Maqbanah, Mawza, and Al-Salw fronts witnessed clashes, reciprocal shelling, and infiltration attempts. Government forces announced that they had repelled Houthi attacks and inflicted losses on the assailants, as government drones carried out simultaneous strikes on the group’s positions, command centers, and fortifications.
In Al-Dhale, clashes resumed in Al-Fakher, Battar, Murais, and Hajar. Civilians were wounded when mortar shells struck populated areas. Marib and Al-Jawf also witnessed reciprocal attacks using missiles, drones, and artillery, while Hodeidah and the western coast became a continuous arena for naval and missile strikes.
On August 16, government forces announced that they had carried out 181 operations within 24 hours using drones, artillery, and rocket launchers in Taiz, Marib, Abyan, Al-Dhale, and Hodeidah. Two days later, they announced another 133 operations against Houthi positions and movements.
No independent figures are available for Houthi losses resulting from these operations. Government forces said they had destroyed command posts, weapons depots, and vehicles, and killed or wounded dozens.
Expansion of Government Capabilities
The current round has seen government forces expand their use of attack drones, after years in which this type of weapon was a central component of the Houthis’ military advantage.
Government drones carried out attacks on fortifications, command centers, warehouses, and missile launch sites in Marib, Taiz, Hodeidah, and other areas, amid signs that the government is moving toward building a more organized aerial and missile deterrence capability.
On August 18, the National Defense Council ordered the expansion of aerial and missile deterrence operations against the Houthis, the strengthening of intelligence capabilities and early-warning systems, and the raising of government forces’ readiness to the highest levels.
The decision represents a shift from merely defending against and intercepting attacks to adopting offensive operations targeting Houthi capabilities, sources of fire, and command positions.
Continued Attacks on Saudi Arabia
Throughout August, the Houthis continued to announce attacks on airports and vital facilities inside Saudi Arabia, including in Najran, Abha, Jazan, and Yanbu.
On August 9, the Saudi Energy Ministry announced that a fire at a facility in Jazan had been extinguished, while the Houthis said the fire had resulted from a drone attack. They later announced attacks on Aramco facilities in Najran and the Jazan refinery, although Saudi Arabia did not independently confirm all of these attacks.
The Houthis also claimed on August 17 that they had targeted a Saudi landing ship and four escorting military boats off Mocha, but the vessel was empty and owned by a Yemeni trader.
The resumption of attacks against Saudi Arabia indicates that the group no longer views the current round as solely an internal confrontation, but as part of a regional conflict linked to Iran.
Civilians Pay the Price
The extension of attacks to cities, ports, camps, and residential areas has increased civilian casualties and damaged economic and public-service infrastructure. UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Türk said 17 civilians had been killed in Houthi attacks on government-controlled areas since August 6, warning that escalating hostilities could return Yemen to a full-scale conflict.
The following day, four civilians, including a 13-year-old child, were killed in missile and artillery shelling that targeted areas east of Al-Khawkhah and the Al-Haymah area north of the district, raising the civilian death toll since August 6 to at least 21.
The effects of the escalation are not limited to human losses. The shutdown of Mocha Port and damage to ships, fishing boats, power stations, and economic facilities have deprived thousands of families of their sources of income in a country where around 18 million people suffer from food insecurity.
Attacks on ports and vessels also increase transportation, insurance, and shipping costs and threaten the flow of food and fuel into a country heavily dependent on imports.
A Peace Process Receding in the Face of Confrontation
The escalation followed a failure to implement the largest prisoner-exchange agreement between the government and the Houthis. Signed in May, the agreement covered 1,728 detainees. The parties traded accusations of obstructing its implementation, while efforts by the UN envoy between Muscat and Riyadh failed to prevent the situation from deteriorating.
The UN special envoy for Yemen warned that developments were moving in the opposite direction from peace efforts and that continued escalation could draw Yemen more deeply into the regional conflict and lead to a return to full-scale war.
The UN Security Council and the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights also warned against attacks on civilians and civilian facilities, calling on the parties to exercise restraint and comply with international humanitarian law.
However, developments on the ground indicate that the informal de-escalation in place since 2022 has given way to a cycle of retaliation and counter-retaliation, as the confrontation has evolved from a dispute over flights into a war spanning the air, land, and sea.
Where Is the Escalation Heading?
Developments since the Mahan Air flights crisis reveal four main features of the current round.
The first is the direct connection between Yemen’s internal conflict and regional tensions, particularly in light of the relationship between the Houthis and Iran.
The second is the shift in the center of operations from traditional front lines to economic and vital targets, including airports, ports, refineries, vessels, and power stations.
The third is the intensive use of ballistic missiles, drones, and explosive-laden boats, which has enabled the confrontation to expand without the need to deploy large ground forces.
The fourth is the development of the government forces’ counter-capabilities and their increased use of drones and long-range strikes, alongside efforts to improve coordination among the various military formations.
Despite all this, no large-scale ground operation aimed at capturing new cities or areas had begun as of August 19, and ground clashes remained dispersed across multiple fronts without any officially announced major changes to the map of territorial control.
However, the continued targeting of Saudi Arabia, maritime traffic, and Yemeni cities, along with the expansion of government counterattacks, raises the likelihood of a broader confrontation—particularly if a vital Saudi facility suffers major damage, coalition strikes expand, or either side launches a large-scale ground operation.
Within a few weeks, the dispute over Iranian flights has thus evolved from a disagreement over sovereignty in Yemeni airspace and airports into a multi-front war that threatens to return Yemen to full-scale conflict, with civilians bearing the brunt of the human and economic cost.
